Sunday, 27 March 2016

ALT Codes

ALT Codes for Mathematical Symbols
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 48 - 570 - 9zero to nine
Alt Codes for Basic Operators
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 43+Plus Sign
Alt 45-Minus Sign
Alt 0215×Multiplication Sign
Alt 0247÷Obelus / Division ign
Alt Codes for Pers
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 37%Percentage Sign
Alt 0137Per mille (per thousand)
Alt Codes for Bracketing
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 40(Open Bracket
Alt 41)Close Bracked
Alt Codes for Degree of Accuracy
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 241±Plus or Minus
Alt Codes for Fractions
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 47/Fraction seperator
Alt 0188¼Quarter
Alt 0189½Half
Alt 0190¾Three quarters
Alt 46.Decimal Point
Alt Codes for Equality
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 240Exactly Identical
Alt 61=Equals
Alt 247Approximately equal
Alt Codes for Inequality
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 60<Less Than
Alt 62>Greater Than
Alt 242Greater than or equal
Alt 243Less than or equal
Alt Codes for Powers
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 251Square Root
Alt 252Power n
Alt 0185¹To the power of 1
Alt 0178²squared
Alt 0179³cubed
Angles and Trigonometric Alt Codes
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 227πPi
Alt 248°Degree sign
See also Greek Alphabet Alt Codes
General Mathematical Symbols
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 35#Number
Alt 236Infinity
Alt 230µMicro
Alt 228ΣSum
Alt 239Suggest definition
Integration / Integral Sign
Alt CodeSymbolDescription
Alt 244Top half
Alt 245Bottom Half



http://usefulshortcuts.com/alt-codes/maths-alt-codes.php

আব্দুল করিম খান যা গাইতেন সেটাই সঙ্গীত

অতীতের তাঁরা

আব্দুল করিম খান যা গাইতেন সেটাই সঙ্গীত

বিভূতিসুন্দর ভট্টাচার্য

২১ মার্চ , ২০১৬, ১৮:৫৭:৩৯
e e print
 
ABDUL KARIM KHAN
তিনি যখন গান গাইতেন যেন ধ্যানমগ্ন হয়ে যেতেন, আর শ্রোতারাও সেই সুরের মায়াজালে আচ্ছন্ন হয়ে পড়তেন। প্রত্যক্ষদর্শীদের কথায়: সেই সুমধুর কণ্ঠস্বর এমন এক স্বর্গীয় আবহের সৃষ্টি করত যা সকলকে যেমন আকৃষ্ট করত, তেমনই মোহিত করে রাখত। তিনি কিরানা ঘরানার উজ্জ্বলতম নক্ষত্র উস্তাদ আব্দুল করিম খান।
আব্দুল করিম কেবল মাত্র ‘কিরানা’ ঘরানার প্রবাদপ্রতিম নন, হিন্দুস্তানি ধ্রুপদী সঙ্গীতের অন্যতম কিংবদন্তি যাঁর কর্নাটকী রাগসঙ্গীতের উপরও দখল ছিল। শুধু তাই নয় বেশ কিছু কর্নাটকী রাগের সফল প্রয়োগ তিনি হিন্দুস্তানি রাগসঙ্গীতের উপরে করেছিলেন। এর মধ্যে ‘সাবেরী’, ‘আনন্দভৈরব’, ‘বনধ্বনি’ উল্লেখ্য। তাঁর ঠুমরি গায়কির মধ্যেও ছিল বৈচিত্র। যদিও তার চেহারা পূরব-অঙ্গ এবং পঞ্জাব-অঙ্গের চেয়ে ছিল আলাদা। বরং গবেষকদের মতে তাতে প্রভাব ছিল মরাঠী নাট্যগীতি এবং ভাব্যগীতের। তেমনই খেয়াল গায়কির ক্ষেত্রে তিনি আলাপের উপরে জোর দিতেন, সচরাচার লয়কারি বোল, তান এড়িয়ে যেতেন। খুব সম্ভবত তিনি মনে করতেন এগুলি খেয়ালের আবহাওয়াকে নষ্ট করতে পারে। তাঁর গায়কিতে তৈরি হত এক আবেগ আপ্লুত মায়াবী পরিবেশ যা শ্রোতাদের মনকে স্পর্শ করতে পারত।
আব্দুল করিমের জন্ম ১৮৭২ সালের ১১ নভেম্বর উত্তরপ্রদেশের মুজফ্ফরনগর জেলার কিরানা গ্রামে। তিনি সঙ্গীতের শিক্ষা নিয়ে ছিলেন তাঁর বাবা কালে খান এবং কাকা অবদুল্লা খানের কাছে। পরে উস্তাদ নান্‌হে খানের কাছেও তালিম নিয়েছিলেন। ছোট থেকেই তিনি অসাধারণ প্রতিভার অধিকারী ছিলেন। কণ্ঠসঙ্গীতের পাশাপাশি তিনি সেতার, বিন, তবলা, নাকাড়া বাজানোয় পারদর্শী ছিলেন।
কুদ্‌রত্ রঙ্গবিরঙ্গী গ্রন্থে কুমারপ্রসাদ মুখোপাধ্যায় লিখেছিলেন, ‘১৯৩৬ সালে খাঁ সাহেব কলকাতায় আসার অনেক আগেই রেকর্ড মারফত ওঁর গান ঘরে ঘরে ছড়িয়ে পড়েছিল। ১৯২৪-এ দিলীপকুমার রায় ওঁকে যখন কলকাতায় আনেন, তখন কেউই ওঁকে চিনত না। ১৯৩৬-এ যখন অল বেঙ্গল কনফারেন্সে গাইতে এলেন, তখন শহর ভেঙে পড়ল।’ শোনা যায় উস্তাদ আব্দুল করিম খানের এক গানের আসরে গান শুনতে শুনতে সম্মোহিত হয়ে জ্বলন্ত হাতের সিগারেটের ছ্যাঁকা খেয়ে সংবিৎ ফিরে পেয়েছিলেন গিরিজাশঙ্কর চক্রবর্তী। কুমারপ্রসাদের মতে, ‘‘আব্দুল করিম খাঁ খাস করে শেষ বয়সে, সুর ও শ্রুতির উপর একটু বেশি জোর দিতেন।’’ সে কালেও অন্যান্য গানের রেকর্ডের মতো উচ্চাঙ্গ সঙ্গীতের রেকর্ড জনপ্রিয়তা পেত না। তবে কিছু ব্যতিক্রমও ছিল যেমন উস্তাদ আব্দুল করিম খানের দুটি ঠুমরি ‘যুমনা কে তীর’ ও ‘পিয়া বিন নাহি আবত’ সেকালেও সারা দেশে ব্যাপক জনপ্রিয়তা লাভ করেছিল।
গ্রামোফোন ও টাইপরাইটার কোম্পানি যখন এ দেশে রেকর্ডের ব্যবসা শুরু করেন ১৯০৪-০৫ নাগাদ, আব্দুল করিম খানের বেশ কিছু গান রেকর্ড করা হয়। পরে এগুলি এক পিঠে বাজা রেকর্ড হিসেবে বাজারে প্রকাশ পায়। এর মধ্যে ৭, ১০ ও ১২ ইঞ্চি ব্যাসের রেকর্ড ছিল। আদি যুগের সেই সব দুর্লভ রেকর্ড আজও কালেক্টর্স আইটেম। বিশেষ উল্লেখযোগ্য এই রেকর্ডগুলিতে যুবক আব্দুল করিমের যে গলার নমুনা পাওয়া যায় তা পরবর্তী কালের রেকর্ডের চেয়ে আলাদা। এগুলিতে তাঁর যৌবনের গায়কির ‘তানবাজি’ আর ‘তৈয়ারি’ ধরা পড়ে। পরবর্তী কালে অবশ্য গ্রামোফোন কোম্পানির ‘ওডিওন’ লেবেলে তাঁর বেশ কিছু গান প্রকাশিত হয়েছিল।
শোনা যায় তাঁর জীবনে ছিল আধ্যাত্মিকতার প্রভাব। হিন্দু–মুসলমানের ভেদাভেদের ছায়া তাঁর জীবনে কখনও পড়েনি। দত্তাত্রেয় মন্দিরে বসে যেমন ধর্মসঙ্গীত গাইতেন, তেমনই দরগায় বসে আপন মনে তানপুরা মেলে গান করতেন। তাঁর সঙ্গে সিরডির সাঁইবাবা ও নাগপুরের তাজউদ্দিন বাবার যোগাযোগ ছিল।
তাঁর ব্যক্তিগত জীবন ছিল নানা ঘাত প্রতিঘাতে ভরা। তাঁর প্রথম স্ত্রী গফুরন ছিলেন আব্দুল রহিম খানের মেয়ে এবং আব্দুল বহীদ খানের বোন। তবে আব্দুল বহীদ খানের সঙ্গে তাঁর তিক্ততার কারণে তিনি গফুরনকে ত্যাগ করেন। তার দ্বিতীয় স্ত্রী তারাবাই মানে প্রসিদ্ধ গাইকোয়াড় পরিবরের রাজমাতার ভাই সর্দার মারুতিমানের মেয়ে। আব্দুল করিমের কাছে গান শিখতে গিয়েই প্রণয়ে আবদ্ধ হয়েছিলেন। তাঁদের মোট পাঁচটি সন্তান হয়।  হীরাবাই বরদেকর, কমলাবাই বরদেকর, সরস্বতী মানে, পুত্র সুরেশবাবু মানে এবং কৃষ্ণারাও মানে।
তবে নিজের সন্তানদের ছাড়াও তিনি সঙ্গীতের শিক্ষাদান করেছিলেন সাওয়াই গন্ধর্ব, শঙ্কর রাও সার্ণিক এবং বালকৃষ্ণ বুয়া কপিলেশ্বরীকে। তবে পরবর্তী কালে তাঁর ছাত্রী সরস্বতী বাই মিরজকরের সঙ্গে তাঁর ঘনিষ্ঠ সম্পর্কের জন্য তাঁর স্ত্রী তারা বাইয়ের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কে তিক্ততা দেখা দেয়। পরে এক সময় তারাবাই তাঁকে ত্যাগ করেন। জীবনের বেশির ভাগ সময় আব্দুল করিম খান বরোদা, পুণে আর মিরাজে কাটিয়েছিলেন। মহীশূর রাজ দরবারের গায়ক হিসেবে নিযুক্ত ছিলেন। সেখানেই তিনি ‘সঙ্গীতরত্ন’ সম্মানে ভূষিত হয়েছিলেন।
তবে শুধু অতীতের এক শিল্পী হিসেবে নয়, আজকের দিনেও তিনি অমলিন। তাই গ্রামোফোন রেকর্ডের যুগের শেষে লং প্লেয়িং, ক্যাসেট  সিডির যুগ পেরিয়েও তিনি স্মৃতির অতলে বিলীন হয়নি। তাই আজও মেলে তাঁর গানের সিডি, এমপি থ্রি।
১৯৩৭-এ দক্ষিণ ভারতে একটি অনুষ্ঠান শেষে ফেরার সময় স্টেশনের প্ল্যাটফর্মে তিনি মৃত্যুর কোলে ঢলে পড়েছিলেন। তাঁর মৃত্যুতে রবীন্দ্রনাথ বলেছিলেন, ‘Whatever he sang was music’, তেমনই ফৈয়াজ খান বলেছিলেন, ‘‘হিন্দুস্তান সে সুর মর গয়া।’’

http://www.anandabazar.com/calcutta/a-special-write-up-about-abdul-karim-khan-dgtl-1.338322

নতুন বইয়ের গন্ধই চিনিয়ে দেয় এলাকাটা (On one Kolkata Lane)

সীতারাম ঘোষ স্ট্রিট

নতুন বইয়ের গন্ধই চিনিয়ে দেয় এলাকাটা

শ্যামলকুমার দত্ত

১৯ মার্চ , ২০১৬, ০২:১১:২৪
e e print
 
shyamal kumar dutta
বসন্তের অলস দুপুরে হঠাৎ বুকে চমক লাগানো বাসনওয়ালার কাঁসরের আওয়াজ, ঠংঠং শব্দে টানা রিকশার এগিয়ে চলা, বিকেলে হতেই বেলফুলের মালা আর রাত বাড়তেই কুলফি মালাইওয়ালার ডাক মিশে যায় পাড়ার আনাচে কানাচে। গায়ে গায়ে নতুন পুরনো অসংখ্য বাড়ি, প্রকাশকদের দফতর, বই বাঁধাইয়ের কারখানা আর ছাপাখানা— এই নিয়েই আমার পাড়া সীতারাম ঘোষ স্ট্রিট। এ পাড়ার ল্যান্ডমার্ক পাড়ার মুখে বেনিয়াটোলা লেনে আনন্দ পাবলিশার্স-এর বহু স্মৃতি বিজড়িত বাড়িটা। এ সব নিয়েই আমার পাড়ার বর্ণময় ছবিটা।
এক দিকে আমহার্স্ট স্ট্রিট শিবমন্দিরের গা ঘেঁষে শুরু হয়েছে সীতারাম ঘোষ স্ট্রিট। অন্য দিকে, মহাত্মা গাঁধী রোড সংলগ্ন বেনিয়াটোলা লেন পেরিয়ে আমাদের পাড়াটা কেশবচন্দ্র সেন স্ট্রিটে গিয়ে মিশেছে। কাছেই কলেজ রো, নবীন পাল লেন ও ট্যামার লেন। এখানেই আমার বেড়ে ওঠা। শৈশব, কৈশোর, যৌবন অতিক্রম করে চলছে বার্ধক্যের দিনযাপন।
সময়ের সঙ্গে পরিবর্তনের হাওয়া এ পাড়াতেও প্রভাব ফেলেছে। এ পাড়ায় আগে ছিল মূলত গন্ধবণিক সম্প্রদায়ের বসবাস। এখন অন্যরাও এসেছেন। পাড়া থেকেই গন্ধবণিক মহাসভা, শিক্ষা সমিতি ও দাতব্য সভার সূত্রপাত। আশপাশে পুরনো বাড়ি ভেঙে তৈরি হচ্ছে বহুতল। আসছেন নতুনরা। এক সময় পাড়ায় নতুন কেউ এলে পুরনোরা গিয়ে আলাপ করতেন। নতুন জায়গায় তাঁদের কোনও অসুবিধে হচ্ছে কি না খোঁজখবর নিতেন, এ ভাবেই তাঁরাও পাড়ার আরও পাঁচটা মানুষের সঙ্গে মিলেমিশে যেতেন। আজ ছবিটা ভিন্ন। পাড়ায় কে এল, কে বা পাড়া ছেড়ে অন্যত্র গেল সে খবর রাখার সময় কারই বা আছে? কালের প্রভাবে সকলেই যেন আত্মকেন্দ্রিক, নিজেদের নিয়ে থাকতে ভালবাসেন। তবে যে কোনও সমস্যায় পাড়ার যুবকেরা এগিয়ে এসে সাহায্য করে। কাছেই কলেজ স্কোয়্যারে হয় পাখির প্রদর্শনী। সেখানেই চৈত্র সংক্রান্তির দিনে বসে বহু পুরনো চড়কের মেলাও।
ছবি: রণজিৎ নন্দী
সময়ের প্রভাবে পাড়াপড়শির সঙ্গে যোগাযোগটা কমেছে ঠিকই তবে ছিন্ন হয়নি আত্মিক সম্পর্ক। কমেছে বাড়িতে যাতায়াতের অভ্যাসটাও। এখন রাস্তায় কিংবা উৎসবে অনুষ্ঠানে তাঁদের সঙ্গে দেখাসাক্ষাৎ হলে ক্ষণিকের জন্য তাঁরাও অতীতের স্মৃতিতে ডুব দেন।
সময়ের সঙ্গে কমলেও হারায়নি এ পাড়ার আড্ডা। এ পাড়ার আড্ডা মানে নিছক সময় কাটানো নয়। গল্পের পাশাপশি সাম্প্রতিক নানা ঘটনা নিয়ে আলোচনাও হয়। বাদ যায় না বাজেট থেকে নির্বাচন। এই আড্ডাটাই মানুষে মানুষে যোগাযোগটা ধরে রেখেছে। এখনও দু’টি রকে প্রতি দিন সন্ধ্যায় আড্ডা বসে। এ ছাড়াও ছুটির দিনে আড্ডার ঝলকটা বেশি চোখে পড়ে।
অন্য পাড়ার মতোই এ পাড়াতেও বসেছে জোরালো আলো, নিয়মিত জঞ্জাল অপসারণ, রাস্তা পরিষ্কার করাও হয়। কাউন্সিলর স্বপ্না দাস এলাকার উন্নয়নে ভালই কাজ করছেন। এখনও এ পাড়ায় টিকে আছে খেলাধুলোর পরিবেশ। তবে সেটা ছুটির দিনে বেশি দেখা যায়। কাছেই কলেজ স্কোয়্যারে রয়েছে সাঁতার প্রশিক্ষণ কেন্দ্র। সীতারাম ঘোষ স্ট্রিটের উপরেই রয়েছে নরেন সেন স্কোয়্যারের মাঠটি
এলাকার যোগাযোগ ব্যবস্থা উন্নত। এক দিকে শিয়ালদহ স্টেশন, অন্য দিকে হাওড়া স্টেশন। কাছেই মেডিক্যাল কলেজ আর আমহার্স্ট স্ট্রিটে বিশুদ্ধানন্দ সরস্বতী মাড়োয়ারি হাসপাতাল। ঢিল ছোড়া দূরত্বে বইপাড়া, হেয়ার স্কুল, হিন্দু স্কুল, প্রেসিডেন্সি বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় আর কলকাতা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়। আমাদের বাড়ির পিছনেই প্যারীচরণ দাসের ঠাকুরবাড়ি। এখানে আছে সর্বমঙ্গলা ও পঞ্চকন্যা ঠাকুরবাড়ি ও বহু প্রাচীন দয়াময়ী দুর্গামন্দির।
এক সময় এ পাড়ায় থাকতেন কিছু বিখ্যাত মানুষ। বেনিয়াটোলা লেনে থাকতেন সেকালের প্রখ্যাত চিকিৎসক রতনচন্দ্র পাল। যিনি শবদেহের ব্যবচ্ছেদকারী প্রবাদপ্রতীম মধুসূদন গুপ্তের অন্যতম সহযোগী ছিলেন। কাছেই থাকতেন ইন্ডিয়ান মিরর পত্রিকার সম্পাদক নরেন সেন। পাড়াতেই থাকতেন ইস্টবেঙ্গল ক্লাবের প্রাক্তন দুই সচিব দীপক দাস (যিনি পল্টু দাস নামেই অধিক পরিচিত ছিলেন) আর জ্যোতির্ময় সেনগুপ্ত। সীতারাম ঘোষ যাঁর নামে এই রাস্তাটি তিনি ছিলেন বড়িশা ঘোষ পরিবারের আদি পুরুষ। এ পাড়ায় চার পুরুয আমাদের বসবাস। পূর্বপুরুষদের কীর্তিস্বরূপ তিনটি প্রাচীন শিব মন্দির মাথা তুলে দাঁড়িয়ে।
কাছেই মেগাফোন রেকর্ড কোম্পানির স্মৃতি বিজড়িত বাড়িটি। সেখানেই যাতায়াত ছিল ভারত-বিখ্যাত শিল্পীদের। বেগম আখতার থেকে রাইচাঁদ বড়াল, ভীষ্মদেব চট্টোপাধ্যায়, কানন দেবী কে না আসতেন সেখানে।
এ অঞ্চলে বেশ কিছু দুর্গাপুজো হলেও কালীপুজোর আকর্ষণটা কিন্তু বেশি। আশপাশেই রয়েছে কিছু বিখ্যাত কালীপুজো। যেমন সীতারাম ঘোষ স্ট্রিটের শেষ প্রান্তে ফাটাকেষ্টর কালীপুজোটি। এই পুজোয় উত্তম-সুচিত্রা থেকে শুরু করে অমিতাভ বচ্চন কে আসেননি? তবে পাড়ার পল্লি যুবকবৃন্দের ঘরোয়া দুর্গাপুজোটি বাড়ির পুজোর আমেজটা আজও ধরে রেখেছে।
এলাকার বাজার বলতে কলেজ স্ট্রিট বাজার। পুরনো বাজারের জায়গায় গড়ে উঠেছে আধুনিক বাজার। তাতে হারিয়ে গিয়েছে বহু দিনের পরিচিত ক্রেতা বিক্রেতার আন্তরিক সম্পর্কটা। হারিয়েছে কালীপুজোয় ফানুস ওড়ানোর ঐতিহ্যও। তবে বিশ্বকর্মা পুজোয় এখনও অল্প হলেও ঘুড়ি ওড়ে। আগে ছাদের কার্নিশে কাচের বয়ামে যে আচার শুকোতো তার সদ্ব্যবহার হত প্রতিবেশির পাতে। সে সব আজ শুধুই স্মৃতি।
এ পাড়াটাই আমাকে দিয়েছে মূল্যবোধ, সংস্কার। এখানেই পেয়েছি অনাবিল আনন্দ। সারাটা জীবন এখানে কাটিয়ে জীবনের শেষটাও এখানেই কাটাতে চাই। শিকড়ের টান হয়তো একেই বলে।

http://www.anandabazar.com/calcutta/the-smell-of-new-book-showed-the-area-1.336102#

Saturday, 19 March 2016

Bateshwar, 1942

Vol. 15 :: No. 03 :: Feb. 7 - 20, 1998 

Special Investigation

Bateshwar, 1942

MANINI CHATTERJEE
IT was August 1942. Mahatma Gandhi had given his 'Do or Die' call, unleashing the last mass struggle for freedom from British rule. On August 9, all the Congress leaders attending the Bombay session of the All India Congress Committee were arrested. In towns and villages all over the country, Congress activists were rounded up and put in jail. The arrests ignited popular sentiment, particularly among students and youth who came out in the streets to picket, violate prohibitory orders and take out protest marches demanding that the British "Quit India".
Atal Behari Vajpayee and his elder brother Prem Behari Vajpayee were students at the Victoria College in the princely state of Gwalior. Their father, Krishna Behari (whose family name was Gauri Shankar) was a school teacher who later became an inspector of schools and disapproved of the involvement of students in any movement against the authorities. In an article written in Hindi which appeared in Madhya Pradesh Sandesh on May 12, 1973, Prem Behari Vajpayee claimed he and his younger brother were among the students who were influenced by the Quit India call, though he did not specify whether they were involved in any actual subversive activity.
According to Prem Behari's memoir, a certain Mr Pawar who was the home, political and army Minister (in the Gwalior state administration) kept track of students' activities and informed Krishna Behari of what his sons were up to. The father admonished his sons and, on some pretext, sent them to his ancestral village in Bateshwar, some 60 kilometres from Agra under Bah tehsil in Agra district.
The statement issued by Atal Behari Vajpayee on January 21, 1998 conveys much the same flavour: "It was my involvement in the Quit India Movement and my imminent arrest at Gwalior that I was sent to my ancestral village, Bateshwar, about 60 miles from Agra. But I got involved in the Quit India Movement at Bateshwar too." Atal Behari too fails to explain what exactly was this "involvement" in Gwalior. There is no record of his being involved in any anti-British activity in Gwalior; if he makes this claim, it requires amplification.
In any case, the accounts of both brothers emphasise that they were sent to Bateshwar to keep them out of trouble in Gwalior. But Bateshwar was not a quiet backwater. It is a picturesque village at the edge of the Chambal ravines on the banks of the Yamuna, famous as a pilgrimage centre for its Jain and Shiv temples. Bateshwar also had a history of revolt against British rule dating back to 1857. The authorities had marked it out as a Congress stronghold from 1927 to 1939 (as was noted in the final case report in the village register) and it was no surprise that the village flared up again in 1942.
What happened in Bateshwar is not particularly dramatic in itself. In the course of India's freedom struggle -- and in 1942 itself -- far more rebellious or militant actions took place against British rule. But in retrospect, the events in Bateshwar in August-September 1942 are significant, chiefly on account of Atal Behari Vajpayee's role.
S. SUBRAMANIUM
The Bateshwar forest office, abandoned but still a fairly intact structure.
On August 27, a large crowd gathered in the village square/bazaar to celebrate the "bhujaria ka mela" -- a popular festival the day after Rakshabandhan in Brahmin-dominated villages of Uttar Pradesh. Ala (ballads recounting the valour of ancient heroes) was being sung. Taking advantage of the occasion, a few young boys in their late teens raised slogans against the British, read out Gandhiji's pledge, and exhorted the crowd to march to the Bateshwar forest office and liberate it from British rule.
Atal Behari and Prem Behari went along in the procession. The procession moved to the forest outpost at Bateshwar, a 10-minute walk from the square. There, according to the official account, the post was attacked. The tricolour was hoisted and the leaders of the procession declared that they were now free from British rule. The crowd then went to the forest outpost at Bichkoli some distance away, chanting slogans and singing patriotic songs. Caught up in the spirit of liberation, they released en route the animals which the authorities had routinely locked up, on the ground that they had strayed into forest land.
Though it turned out to be a fairly minor incident by the standards of the day, the local police informed Agra that a revolt had broken out in Bateshwar, and reinforcements were sent to the village.
On August 29, the arrests began. Altogether 37 persons were named in the First Information Report (the police estimate of the agitating crowd was around 200 while the judgment by the Special Judge eventually placed it at 125), of whom only 11 were arrested. These 11 included Accused No. 29 and 30, Atal Behari Vajpayee and Prem Behari Vajpayee. Accused No 2, Kakua alias Liladhar, was absconding. He was later arrested in Agra.
The brothers Vajpayee and the rest were arrested in Bateshwar by sub-inspector Attar Singh. Since Atal Behari and Prem Behari were in the procession and had been recognised by a number of villagers, there was a ready-made case for their arrest. Participating in a procession, especially a militant one, against the British rulers was a criminal offence; they could easily be prosecuted under Section 149 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) for "unlawful assembly" and also under other penal sections, not to mention the draconian provisions of the Defence of India Rules.
But to be on the safe side, Attar Singh decided that the accused, including potential witnesses for the prosecution from among those he had arrested, must be brought before a magistrate and given a chance to make statements on what actually happened. Hence, on September 1, the accused were brought before Shabbir Hassan (spelt Husain in the final judgement), second class magistrate and tehsildar of Bah. Several confessional statements relating to the August 27 events seem to have been recorded under Section 164 CrPC before Hassan.
Eventually, the Special Judge who tried the case ruled that Hassan, being a second class magistrate, had no authority to record confessions under Section 164 of the IPC; that in any case these confessions were "not strictly in accordance with the manner laid down"; and that therefore "these confessions cannot be admitted in evidence."
The brothers Vajpayee gave virtually identical confessional statements on that day. These were taken down in Urdu and signed by Atal Behari and Prem Behari in English. While Atal Behari gave his father's name simply as Gauri Shankar (the name by which the schoolteacher was known in the family and in the village) Prem Behari gave both the official name, Krishnan Behari, and the locally familiar one, Gauri Shankar in his confessional statement (copy available with Frontline).
Atal Behari and his elder brother were kept in jail for less than a month as accused named in the F.I.R. Then, on September 23, 1942, they were released under Section 169 CrPC. Three others were released before the trial. Although the documentary evidence suggests that the police had other ideas for at least some of them, these five originally accused were not fielded as prosecution witnesses in court.
Six of the accused remained in jail as undertrials. The trial began in the Court of the Special Judge, Agra, (Sessions trial No. 3 of 1943) in March, 1943. The Special Judge was K.N. Wanchoo who, after Independence, became Chief Justice of the Rajasthan High Court. Of the six brought to trial, three were let off for lack of adequate evidence while the remaining three were sentenced.
Kakua alias Liladhar was sentenced to two years rigorous imprisonment (RI) under Section 147 IPC and to three years RI under section 436/149 IPC and three years RI under Rule 35(4) of the Defence of India Rules. The sentences were to run concurrently. He too had made a confessional statement but since the magistrate had not taken it down properly, in accordance with the prescribed procedure, the Special Judge ruled that it could not be admitted in evidence. Further, the Special Judge observed in his judgment, "in this confession Liladhar practically exculpates himself." However, he found that the only use of this confession was "that it negatives the alibi of Liladhar."
There were several witnesses whose evidence was used against Liladhar but he was essentially convicted on the evidence tendered by two forest guards, which the Special Judge found "sufficient to prove that Liladhar took part in this affair."
Bhawani Prasad and Sobharam were given a sentence of seven years R.I. in all. Liladhar was awarded the lesser sentence of three years R.I. since he was "a young lad of about 18 years of age and might have been led away into joining the crowd."
S. SUBRAMANIUM
The site at Bateshwar village where the police beat up villagers on August 28, 1942 -- now known as Gandhi Chabutra.
But that was not all. A collective fine was imposed on the village for its act of revolt. Mahuan, the other "leader" named by the brothers Vajpayee and several others, whose real name was Shiv Kumar, was among the three acquitted. Shiv Kumar was acquitted essentially because his name did not figure in the original FIR and the evidence tendered against him was questionable.
In determining the sentences, the Special Judge observed that "the damage done (to the forest posts) was not of a serious nature. But the spirit of lawlessness behind the crimes was serious." It was for this reason that the three, including Liladhar, were sentenced to draconian terms of rigorous imprisonment.
The facts show that Vajpayee was not an "approver" (he was an accused in the early phase of the police investigation, who was never brought to trial) and not a witness fielded by the prosecution in court. Nor did he tender an "apology" to the British authorities, as some political opponents have alleged.
However, Vajpayee's assertion that it is "equally baseless that some persons were convicted on the basis of my evidence" is not quite as simple as it sounds. The fact is he did make a confessional statement exculpating himself and implicating two others -- Kakua alias Liladhar Bajpai and Mahuan alias Shiv Kumar, who according to the statement "came to the Ala and delivered a speech and persuaded the people to break the forest laws."
The essential fact is that Vajpayee, whom saffron hagiography attempts to portray as a fearless and self-sacrificing freedom fighter, did not merely disclaim involvement in the Bateshwar incidents. He gave a "truthful" and exculpatory confessional statement where many other spirited young people, including boys and girls in their early or mid teens, drawn into the swirl of freedom struggle events might have, at the least, remained silent.
Vajpayee was an accomplished debater and orator in school and college. He was also politically inclined, having joined the RSS at least three years before the Bateshwar incidents. Did not that have something to do with his role in the freedom movement happenings in Bateshwar in August-September 1942?
Young Man Vajpayee quickly backed away from trouble. He was part of an "unlawful assembly" under the provisions of a draconian law. After forming part of a crowd which went on to break forest laws and stage some kind of attack on forest outposts (by his own statement), he was quick to dissociate himself from the militant action. His statement categorically states: "I did not cause any damage."
It is true that several other participants in the Bateshwar drama of August 27, 1942 made similar exculpatory statements. But Vajpayee was not an innocent, illiterate villager. He was a college going student who, according to his own claims today, was on the point of "imminent arrest" in Gwalior for his unspecifed involvement in the Quit India Movement.
Kakua alias Liladhar Bajpai -- the 18 year old identified in Vajpayee's confessional statement as a sort of instigator of the militancy, who was tried and sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment -- eventually retired as a Gwalior Municipal Council employee. He lives quietly in the heart of the Sarafa Bazar in Gwalior town. The irony is that he is a nobody today and the man who claimed to be a nobody in the Bateshwar incidents of 55 years ago is campaigning to become the country's Prime Minister.
S. SUBRAMANIUM
What was once the village square. When alha was sung, the youth read out Gandhiji's Quit India pledge.
In the course of a lengthy interview, Liladhar presented the details of the case without any trace of rancour towards Atal Behari. He made it clear that the Vajpayee brothers had not falsely implicated him -- he had indeed been one of the leaders of the Bateshwar revolt. As a matter of fact, Liladhar's account shows that the outburst on August 27, 1942 was not a spontaneous revolt but a planned incident.
He too was studying in Gwalior at the Morar High School when the Quit India movement broke out in early August. He was actually involved in freedom movement student activities in Gwalior. Liladhar recalls: "After August 9, all the schools and colleges were closed down. On August 20, I reached Bateshwar. Many other students had also come back to the village at the time. Two freedom fighters from our village -- Amar Nath Dikshit and Bagla -- were arrested. We were all agitated. A group of us decided we must do something. We knew there would be a big mela on August 27. We decided to use the occasion to read out Gandhiji's pledge and take some action."
The choice of the Bateshwar Forest Office to hoist the flag was also strategic. The area around Bateshwar had been declared forest land and villagers were fined for gathering firewood or if their cattle grazed in the forest area. An appeal to "liberate" Bateshwar from the forest laws would be effective, they reckoned.
On August 27, as Vajpayee's confessional statement truthfully states, Ala was being sung when Liladhar and others arrived on the scene. According to Liladhar, "I went there and said why are you singing alas of the dead, sing about those who are alive. Fight for the freedom of our country. Sing the ala of the Congress which is leading this struggle."
The crowd then followed the group of leaders. "We reached the forest office," Liladhar recalls. "It is not true that we tried to demolish it. Our intention was to hoist the tricolour. The building had no staircase. So a couple of us clambered up to raise the flag. It was an old building. A couple of bricks may have fallen. But all we did was raise the flag and sing -- jhanda uuncha rahe hamara. Then we declared we were free..."
Liladhar, escaping from the village, fled to Agra. There he contacted friends. They suggested that since an arrest warrant was out for him in any case, he might as well violate Section 144 and get arrested. So on September 4, 1942, he went to the town centre, shouted some slogans, distributed freedom movement pamphlets and was arrested. After his arrest, he was identified as the same Liladhar who had been named in the Bateshwar incidents.
How far was Atal Behari Vajpayee's confessional statement responsible for Liladhar's arrest? Liladhar feels that the statement was not the clinching evidence that led to his conviction, nevertheless it helped shape the prosecution's case.
Liladhar also believes that the prosecution's case largely echoes Atal Behari's confessional statement. Even if this is true, the fact is that the prosecution did not field Vajpayee as one of the witnesses in the trial. However, this does not take away from the fact that Vajpayee named two persons who led the revolt, knowing fully well that in the repressive conditions of the time, his statement might be used as evidence against them.
The reason behind the release of Atal Behari Vajpayee is also mired in controversy. "Deficient evidence" does not appear to be the only reason because, in fact, there was evidence that the brothers Vajpayee participated in the procession. All those who were brought to trial in the Bateshwar case were prosecuted essentially for the same reason -- taking part in an "unlawful" procession that broke the forest laws, attacked forest posts (not very seriously) and challenged British rule.
In fact, the three who were let off (Mahuan alias Shiv Kumar, Godha alias Gordhan Das, and Kokaiyan) after trial were acquitted only because the Special Judge was not satisified that they were present on the occasion at all. Although there was enough evidence to show that the last named, Kokaiyan, was present, the Judge acquitted him basically on the ground of being a "halfwit". To quote from Wanchoo's judgment: "Lastly I come to Kokaiyan. He is not mentioned in the first report and has not been named by the two forest guards. It however appears that he was in that crowd...He is however (a) halfwit and probably did not understand what he was really doing by joining the crowd. He is also a young lad of about 12 or 14 years. It seems to me that he joined the crowd more out of curiousity than with any intention of taking part in any crime committed by the crowd. I would therefore give him the benefit of the doubt even though he was in the crowd that attacked the two forest outposts."
This part of the judgment is crucial in understanding the loopholes in the release of the Vajpayee brothers. It is clear that the police authorities brought to trial even "12 or 14" year old boys merely because they were part of the crowd that attacked forest posts. The Vajpayee brothers, by their own admission, were part of the crowd; they were much older (Prem Behari was 23 years old); and whatever else they may have been, they had their wits about them. Yet, they were released before trial for "lack of evidence" when the only evidence necessary for prosecution was investigative confirmation that the accused knowingly participated in an "unlawful assembly".
Vajpayee, in his interview to Frontline, says his release was "unconditional" and he did not give any surety. This assertion must be set against the seriousness with which the British viewed the 1942 movement -- in the midst of the Second World War. At one point in the interview, Vajpayee himself alludes to the seriousness of the case by explaining, "But nobody could interfere in a case like this." (The point is that his father, not he, is reported by others, including Prem Behari, to have sought the intervention of higher authorities. Atal Behari might not even have known about such behind-the-scenes efforts.)
Another defence has been offered for what Vajpayee did in 1942: he was too young, too naive, unaware of the implications of his confessional statement, so why make a song and dance around it? In 1989, when strident Congress(I) elements with the approval of Rajiv Gandhi sought to highlight the Vajpayee 'character issue' by overstating their case, making factually inaccurate statements and calling him unpleasant names, some influential newspapers took the line that what a man did as a teenager should not be used against him in later life.
There is, incidentally, some confusion about Atal Behari Vajpayee's age. In the confessional statement, his age is recorded as 20 years. His official date of birth is December 25, 1926, which means he was under 16 in 1942.
In the freedom struggle, boys and girls much younger than 16 performed deeds of sterling courage and sacrifice. Leave alone the heroic role played by youth and students in the stream of revolutionary terrorism in India's freedom struggle, there are numerous cases of young college students who faced harsh persecution and penalties in 1942, yet remained steadfast in their conviction. For instance, Ahilya Rangnekar, later to become a Communist leader and CPI(M) MP, took out a procession of students from Ferguson College, Pune, soon after August 9, 1942. The college demanded that she apologise -- or face rustication. She refused to apologise, her belongings were thrown out of the college, and she spent several months in jail.
Was Vajpayee really too naive and apolitical to understand what he was doing in 1942? His background suggests not. He was already, at the time of the Quit India Movement, a dedicated and active member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and well versed with politics. In an article appearing in his name in the Organiser of May 7, 1995, Vajpayee recalled that he had come in contact with the RSS in 1939 and had regularly attended the shakha. In 1940, he went to see the first year Officers' Training Camp (OTC) at Nagpur where promising RSS cadres were trained for leadership. "In 1941 when I was in High School I did my first year OTC. In 1942 when I was in intermediate class I did my second year OTC and I did my third year in 1944 when I was doing my BA."
While there is no evidence to suggest that the RSS had any direct hand in Vajpayee's confessional statement, it appears that the movement's ethos, which was certainly not congenial to the freedom struggle, was in some measure responsible for the young man's mindset that led to the exculpatory statement of September 1, 1942. After all, the RSS had never organised a single protest against the British government and the nationalist feelings it sought to inculcate among its cadres targeted the Muslim community -- not British colonial rule.
One other -- personal -- explanation might be offered by Vajpayee's sympathisers: fear of his father, a school inspector who frowned upon any political activity. But this explanation is not persuasive since we know that Vajpayee, who seems to have known the direction of his life at a very early age, had no problems in defying his father when it came to joining the RSS.
The most charitable explanation of Atal Behari's role in 1942 -- if one were to discount his confessional statement and its implications, and his yet-to-be-convincingly-explained release from a 23-day incarceration -- is that he did nothing much. He was more or less a bystander, an observer, a passive "person in the crowd". Surely, this does not warrant any hagiographic mention of "participation in the Quit India Movement" or any kind of serious role in the freedom struggle.


http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl1503/15031220.htm

Vajpayee and the Quit India movement



India's National Magazine
From the publishers of THE HINDUVol. 15 :: No. 03 :: Feb. 7 - 20, 1998 

Special Investigation

Vajpayee and the Quit India movement

Findings of a Frontline investigation.
MANINI CHATTERJEE
V.K. RAMACHANDRAN
TWENTY-FOUR years after reports were first published about Atal Behari Vajpayee's signed confessional statement to a magistrate during the Quit India movement in 1942, the BJP's Prime Ministerial aspirant has confirmed in a tape-recorded interview with Frontline's Editor, N. Ram, that he did, in fact, make the statement in question, dated September 1, 1942, to the magistrate. The statement, which was recorded in Urdu - and Vajpayee makes it clear in the interview that he does not read Urdu - was signed by Vajpayee.

Atal Behari Vajpayee's confessional statement taken down in Urdu and signed by him, and the magistrate's note in English.
In 1942, Vajpayee, officially under 16, was already a dedicated and active member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and well versed with politics. The RSS as a movement had no association with the freedom struggle - choosing, ideologically and politically, not to oppose the British colonial authority. (See accompanying story in this investigation by Manini Chatterjee.) Frontline's investigation shows that against such a backdrop, contrary to the propaganda of the Sangh Parivar and his own bio-data summary, Vajpayee did not participate in the Quit India movement as a "freedom fighter" in his home village of Bateshwar. In his own characterisation recorded in the interview, he was "a part of the crowd" with no role to play in the militant events in Bateshwar of August 27, 1942 - other than going along with the crowd and witnessing the proceedings. "I related whatever I had seen," he told Frontline about the nature of his confessional statement. "I did not speak against anybody - I did not claim that...whatever had happened was truly related by me."
Frontline's investigation also found that, contrary to the allegations levelled against him, Vajpayee's confessional statement was not used by the prosecution in Sessions trial No. 3/43 before the Special Judge, Agra. In fact, the copy of the judgment furnished to the press by Vajpayee makes it clear that his name did not figure in the trial at all. Thus, the political charge that he was a government "approver" in the 1942 case is untrue.
It is noteworthy that in confirming the authenticity of his signature (in English) on the Urdu statement, a copy of which was shown to him, Vajpayee has now authoritatively contradicted his lawyer, Dr N.M. Ghatate. In a letter, dated January 15, 1998, to the Editor of Frontline written "under instructions from Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee" (see facsimile of letter in accompanying box), the senior advocate had stated: "It is obvious that the documents enclosed with your letter are a total forgery and meant to malign Shri Vajpayee. This is further made obvious by the statement in the said document which reads 'I have explained to Atal Behari son of Gauri Shankar.' The name of Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee's father is (Late) Shri Krishnan Bihari Vajpayee. Please note that if these false statements, which you know are false, are used in your newspaper, you will be liable for civil and criminal action."
Vajpayee, again contradicting his lawyer, confirmed in the Frontline interview that he had, in his confessional statement of September 1, 1942, given his father's name as Gauri Shankar because "Gauri Shankar was his family name" and "the people in the village knew him as Gauri Shankar."
He told Frontline's Editor that he was withdrawing Ghatate's letter, and followed this up the same day with a faxed letter (see accompanying box) which stated: "The letter sent by my Advocate dated 15.1.98 may be treated as withdrawn."
ON SEPTEMBER 1, 1942, Atal Behari Vajpayee signed the following confessional statement - which had been taken down in Urdu, which he could not read - before S. Hassan, II Class Magistrate (his elder brother, Prem Behari Vajpayee, made a virtually identical statement):
My name: Atal Behari
Father's name: Gauri Shankar
My caste: Brahman
Age: 20 years
Occupation: Student, Gwalior College
My address: Bateshwar, P.S. Bah, Distt Agra
On being asked by the Court "Did you commit an act of arson and cause damage? What have you to say in this regard?", Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee made the following statement:
"On August 27, 1942, Ala was being recited in Bateshwar bazaar. At about 2 p.m. Kakua alias Liladhar and Mahuan came to the Ala and delivered a speech and persuaded the people to break the forest laws. Two hundred people went to the Forest Office and I along with my brother followed the crowd and reached Bateshwar Forest Office. I and my brother stayed below and all other people went up. I do not know the name of any other person, except Kakua and Mahuan, who was there.
"It seemed to me that bricks were falling. I could not know who was razing the wall to the ground but the bricks of the wall were certainly falling.
"I along with my brother started to go to Maipura and the crowd was behind us. The abovementioned persons forcibly turned out the goats from the cattle-pound and the crowd proceeded towards Bichkoli. Ten or twelve persons were in the Forest Office. I was at a distance of 100 yards. I did not render any assistance in demolishing the government building. Thereafter, we went to our respective homes."
Signed: S. Hassan
1.9.42
Signed: Atal Behari Vajpai.
The statement was recorded under Section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC). The magistrate appended the following handwritten note in English to the statement:
I have explained to Atal Behari son of Gauri Shankar that he is not bound to make a confession and that if he does so, any confession he may make may be used as evidence against him. I believe that this confession was voluntarily made. It was taken in my presence and hearing and was read over to Atal Behari who made it; it was admitted by him to be correct and it contains a full and true account of the statement made by him.
Signed: S. Hassan
Magistrate II Class
1.9.1942.
(In his interview to Frontline, Vajpayee says that the statement was not read back to him.)
There are three noteworthy features of this confessional statement.
The first feature is that the young Vajpayee - who was self-admittedly a member of an "unlawful assembly" out to "break the forest laws" and could quite easily have been prosecuted under Section 149 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), given the harshly repressive approach of the times - dissociates himself from the activity and the intentions of the protestors. He says that although "I along with my brother followed the crowd" and witnessed the event, "I did not cause any damage. I did not render any assistance in demolishing the government building." Vajpayee says, in effect: I was part of the crowd, but I did not share its objectives and I did not participate in any culpable act. This point is of exceptional importance since, half a century later, the Sangh Parivar has sought to lionise its Prime Minister-In-Waiting for the fighting, if not heroic, role he played in 1942 - a role he explicitly denied then and has denied again, in his January 1998 interview to Frontline.
Secondly, the confessional statement describes, in the detail possible in a short statement, the course that the protest took in Bateshwar on August 27, 1942. AlthoughFrontline's investigation has found that Vajpayee's statement was not used by the prosecution in the trial that was to follow, there is no gainsaying the fact that the statement provided the kind of educated description of events around which the police could have built a case against the protestors. (This, in fact, is a specific criticism levelled against Atal Behari by Kakua alias Liladhar Bajpai, one of the instigators of the militant incidents in Bateshwar in 1942.)
Thirdly, the statement names two leaders of the protestors, "Kakua alias Liladhar and Mahuan", both of whom were tried in the case. According to Atal Behari's "truly related" account of the proceedings, these two "came to the Ala and delivered a speech and persuaded the people to break the forest laws." While Mahuan alias Shiv Kumar was given the benefit of doubt and acquitted, Kakua alias Liladhar was convicted and sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment.
In an interview to Frontline more than half a century after the Bateshwar militancy, Liladhar recorded the impression that although Atal Behari's confessional statement was not part of the evidence in court that led to his sentence, it did help shape the prosecution's case at the investigative stage. It was true, he said, that he was one of the ring-leaders on that day and that everyone knew him in the village since his family lived there and he visited them frequently. The Vajpayee brothers were not the only ones to name him. A number of other villagers also gave his name to the police, but while the others were illiterate rural folk, the Vajpayees were erudite college educated boys and their word carried more weight.
Liladhar also points out that the prosecution's case largely echoes Atal Behari's statement. Even if this is true, the record shows that the prosecution, for its own reasons, did not field Vajpayee in court as one of the witnesses in the trial. What it also shows, however, is that Atal Behari, along with elder brother Prem Behari, named two persons who led the revolt in the knowledge that in the repressive conditions of the time, such "truthful" narration of what happened could be used against them.
THE CONFESSIONAL statement and the circumstances of his release from custody in 1942 are issues that have pursued the political career of Atal Behari Vajpayee for over two decades.
In 1974, in an article by Bishan Kapoor, the Bombay-based tabloid Blitz published a translation of Vajpayee's confessional statement. In a second article, published on February 9, 1974, Blitz went on to make further - inaccurate - allegations regarding the statement. It said that Vajpayee's statement was made before a trial judge and that the statement was "part of the Sessions case against Kakua (Special Judge Trial No. 1943/43, State vs Liladhar)."
In 1989, a pamphlet titled "How patriotic is the BJP and its leader Atal Behari Vajpayee who betrayed the 'Quit India' movement led by Mahatma Gandhi in 1942" was issued by D.S. Adel in New Delhi on behalf of the All India Freedom Fighters Organisation (AIFFO). This pamphlet carried a facsimile of Vajpayee's confessional statement taken down in Urdu and bearing Vajpayee's signature in English. The pamphlet also carried the note appended by magistrate S. Hassan as well as an English translation from the Urdu. The pamphlet went on to allege - without foundation, the Frontline investigation shows - that it "was because of Atal Behariji's statement that the Court sentenced Kakua to 5 years' rigorous imprisonment and the entire village was forced to pay a punitive fine of Rs. 10,000."
On July 23, 1989, Vajpayee announced that the BJP would observe August 9 that year as "Gaddi Choro" (Quit Power) Day. This triggered a series of over-the-top statements by batches of Congress members of Parliament against him (the statements were also published in the AIFFO pamphlet). A statement issued on August 7, 1989 and signed by 52 MPs (signatory Number One was Rangarajan Kumaramangalam, then a Rajiv Gandhi acolyte - now born-again BJP) alleged that Vajpayee's statement was "a calculated attempt to foul the memory of August 9 and continue his nefarious role which he played in the 1942 Quit India Movement as a British Government Approver when he implicated a number of freedom fighters to save his skin." On August 13, a statement by 21 Congress MPs declared that "Shri Vajpayee does not have a word to say about the documentary evidence to the effect that he voluntarily chose to appear on September 1, 1942, in the King Emperor's court at Agra (sic)." It added: "and if he cannot refute the document signed by him of his free will which was the only basis for sentencing a whole group of freedom fighters for long terms of imprisonment, then, at least now, he should apologise to the nation."
On August 5, 1997, the president and vice-president of the Maharashtra Seva Dal, Chandrakant Dayamahave and Subodh Solanki, raised the issue in an appeal to Prime Minister I.K. Gujral. They asked him not to share a dais with Vajpayee at a function organised by the Shiv Sena and the BJP on August 9 at Mumbai's August Kranti Maidan to commemorate the Quit India movement - unless Vajpayee and the BJP "apologised" for his confessional statement.

S. SUBRAMANIUM
Liladhar Bajpai.
HOW DID the Sangh Parivar and Vajpayee himself react to the allegations? While denying - validly - those parts of the allegations that were inaccurate, the Jan Sangh (and later the BJP) and Vajpayee chose, by way of strategy, not to confirm the authenticity of the confessional statement. This was a strategy that culminated in the 1998 allegation of "a total forgery...meant to malign Shri Vajpayee" by his lawyer, Ghatate. At the same time, the Parivar was taking a real risk with history by assiduously creating the alternative fiction that Vajpayee was a "freedom fighter" of the Quit India movement, who had gone to jail for his sacrifice - and that the scene of his heroism was militant Bateshwar. For a start, the creators of this fiction had reckoned without a spirited and sprightly old man who lives in Gwalior town, Liladhar Bajpai, the "Kakua" of the confessional statement (for his recollection of 1942, see accompanying story by Manini Chatterjee).
In response to Blitz in 1974, Vajpayee said that he was released from jail in 1942 because he was a minor and for lack of evidence against him. Not surprisingly, he reacted sharply to the allegation or insinuation that he was a traitor. A defamation case was filed against Blitz by Jan Sangh and RSS leader Nanaji Deshmukh (see story by Sukumar Muralidharan).
An interesting example of the Parivar's strategic response to the issue is Vajpayee's nuanced reply to a question put to him by The Illustrated Weekly of India (September 3, 1989) in 1989:
Q: How do you react to the recent charge the Congress has made against you, of your being a British approver in the Quit India movement?
A: The allegations regarding my role in the Quit India movement of 1942 are totally baseless. In fact, it was my involvement in the movement in Gwalior that led my father, who was a government servant, to send me to my ancestral village, Bateshwar. As I did not tender any evidence against any person in any court, equally baseless is the charge that some people were convicted on the basis of my evidence. This canard is being spread from 1971 before every election but never before has any member of Parliament belonging to the Congress party bothered to associate himself with this allegation. This has hurt me the most. The signatories say this campaign has the Prime Minister's blessings.
On January 21, 1998, Vajpayee once again stated that he had not turned approver, that he had not given any evidence against any person in court, and that he had not tendered any apology to the government.
It is technically correct that by making a confessional statement under Section 164 of the CrPC, Vajpayee did not tender any evidence against any person in any court. It is also technically correct that no person was convicted on the basis of evidence given by him. Both statements thus state carefully what Vajpayee did not do; both carefully avoid mentioning what he did - namely, make a confessional statement which "truly related... whatever had happened."
BY LATE 1997, the campaign to make a Quit India hero of Vajpayee was in full swing. Consider the following:
* An entry in Vajpayee's bio-data summary reads: "Participated in freedom struggle and went to jail in 1942."
* An article by Vajpayee published in Dainik Jagaran on August 15, 1997, gives an account of what happened at Bateshwar. It says: "On that afternoon, a performance of Alha was being held in the bazaar of Bateshwar. A crowd had collected. I was also in the audience. Suddenly, three young men arrived on the scene and stopped the performance. They informed the audience of Gandhiji's 'Quit India' call of August 9 at Bombay, and exhorted the people to throw out the British imperialists. The villagers were already aware of August kranti. They were enthused seeing the flames of revolution being lit in their own village. The village reverberated with the slogan of 'British, Quit India'." Vajpayee goes on to recount the attacks on the two forest outposts and how the "angry crowd demolished the structure." He adds: "In this way, the patriotic people of Bateshwar participated in the freedom struggle - by damaging the forest outposts and by flouting the forest laws. What happened subsequently showed a glimpse of the disgusting and cruel face of the doddering English colonial rule. The next day the police surrounded the village after the forest guards reported the matter. Indiscriminate arrests were made. The leaders of the movement went underground and the police could not lay their hands on them. Those arrested were sent to Agra jail. I was amongst those arrested and lodged in jail."
* An article in the sponsored supplement that appeared in many newspapers on the occasion of Vajpayee's birthday on December 25, 1997, says: "Atal Behari Vajpayee's formal induction into politics coincided with the launch of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the first genuine non-Congress party, on the eve of the first general elections in 1951. But, in a sense, it was the Quit India movement that fired his nationalist zeal. He was arrested in 1942 for lending his voice to this mounting demand for freedom...."
* On January 21, four days before his Frontline interview, Vajpayee issued a statement that claimed: "It was my involvement in the Quit India Movement and my imminent arrest at Gwalior that I was sent to my ancestral village, Bateshwar, about 60 miles from Agra. But I got involved in the Quit India Movement at Bateshwar too."
Given that Vajpayee has confirmed that that he did sign the confessional statement and that he was only a "part of the crowd" and a bystander against whom there was and could be "no evidence", these statements now face a serious credibility problem. In any case, it is now clear that these and similar statements are merely part of the artifice of the propaganda of the Sangh Parivar. Vajpayee's stirring account of the 1942 events in Bateshwar, written for Dainik Jagaran, for instance, conveys the impression that he was involved in a heroic revolt, challenging British rule and facing state repression. Now that we know that the course of personal action Young Man Vajpayee chose was to dissociate himself from the protestors in a signed confessional statement, the article seems something of a classic case of suppresio veri, suggestio falsi.


A copy of Prem Behari Vajpayee's statement before the magistrate in 1942, identical in most substantive respects with his younger brother's, except in recording his father's name as "Krishna Behari alias Gauri Shankar".
In January 1998, Frontline began an investigation of the controversy surrounding Vajpayee's confessional statement and his role in the Quit India movement in Bateshwar. The rationale behind, and the context of, the investigation are clear: Vajpayee is the only person being projected, by any party or camp, as a Prime Ministerial candidate in Elections '98; indeed, the BJP has built up an image of Vajpayee as India's Prime Minister-In- Waiting. An important part of this campaign is to establish a link between the personality of Vajpayee and the party's claim (despite the RSS antecedents) to the legacy of India's freedom struggle.
Although the BJP has been running a campaign around the personality of Atal Behari Vajpayee on the lines of a U.S. presidential campaign (in the run-up to which a contender's past tends to be researched in great detail), many questions about his early political career remain unanswered. Prominent among them is the question of the part he played in 1942 as a teenaged but reasonably experienced RSS recruit. The Frontline investigation, begun in late-1997, sought to inquire into that issue objectively, fairly and in depth.
The investigation is based, inter alia, on lengthy tape-recorded interviews by Manini Chatterjee, assisted by Sukumar Muralidharan, with Liladhar ("Kakua") in Gwalior and Bateshwar; a visit to the the site of the incidents in Bateshwar; a wide range of documentary evidence; and an unexpected but clinching interview with Atal Behari Vajpayee himself. The documentation includes copies of the confessional statements of the Vajpayee brothers, a copy of the judgement of the Special Judge, Agra in Sessions trial No.3/1943 "King Emperor vs Kakku alias Liladhar and others", and the final report of the case in the village register.
In the course of the investigation, Frontline faxed Vajpayee at his New Delhi address, on January 15, 1998, a copy of "the two-page document relating to your reported statement to a magistrate on 1-9-1942", inviting his views on "the authenticity of the above document" and asking him to "confirm or deny whether you made such a statement as mentioned in the above document." Vajpayee was on tour, but a prompt response came through Ghatate's letter claiming to be written "under instructions from Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee." This letter, now withdrawn, contained the strongest statement to date on the issue.
Confronted by a frontal legal challenge to the authenticity of the key document relied on, Frontline put off publication of the results of its investigation and decided to dig deeper. Liladhar was once again contacted and interviewed, and a mass of relevant legal papers, including Prem Behari Vajpayee's virtually identical confessional statement, and old newspaper reports were scrutinised.
As the results of the investigation neared publication, confirmation of the authenticity of the signed confessional statement came unexpectedly from the most authoritative source possible - the subject himself. On January 25, ten days after Ghatate's letter was received, Vajpayee sought out the Editor of Frontline for a conversation regarding the investigation. In the tape-recorded interview that followed, he confirmed - for the first time on record, at least in recent times: "This is my statement. I signed it." Asked why all this had not been cleared up earlier, he explained: "That is because I did not take it seriously."
The edifice that the Sangh Parivar had sought to create around the part played by Vajpayee in the Quit India movement, culminating in the challenging letter from lawyer Ghatate, had collapsed like a house of cards.
THE OTHER MAJOR question taken on by the Frontline investigation was: how and why was Atal Behari Vajpayee released, along with elder brother Prem Behari, after 23 days of incarceration, and why were they not prosecuted? Here the picture is somewhat clouded.
Vajpayee's answer to this question is, and has long been, simple: "there was no case against me because there was no evidence," as he put it in his interview to Frontline. But as Manini Chatterjee shows in the accompanying story, the matter is not so simple - and there are other, quite different, versions of the truth.
After all, both Vajpayee brothers admitted in their confessional statements that they were in the procession that attacked the forest posts in the vicinity of Bateshwar. All those who were brought to trial in the Bateshwar case were prosecuted for essentially the same reason - taking part in the procession that attacked the forest posts and militantly challenging the British rule. Three of those acquitted got off because the Special Judge was not satisfied that they were present on the occasion at all.
Liladhar Bajpai's belief that the Vajpayee brothers were let off on account of their useful confessional statements cannot be the sole explanation. According to elder brother Prem Behari's version of what happened published in Madhya Pradesh Sandesh (May 12, 1973), some external good offices came into play to get the Vajpayee brothers released: "Girija Shankar Vajpayee was a senior member in the Viceroy's Council. At his intervention, both of us brothers were released." Some other sources favour the explanation that Atal Behari and Prem Behari were released because their disapproving school teacher father pulled wires or used his contacts to get his sons out of the jam, although Atal Behari might not have been aware of this.
In the Frontline interview, Atal Behari plainly discounted his elder brother's explanation for their release: "No, no, that is incorrect. That statement he made many years after the arrest. But nobody could interfere in a case like that."
Finally: was Atal Behari Vajpayee's release, after 23 days in prison in 1942, unconditional and did he give any surety? He and his brother were released under Section 169 CrPC which provides for release if, upon investigation, it appears to an officer in charge of a police station that "there is not sufficient evidence or reasonable ground of suspicion to justify the forwarding of the accused to a magistrate." A release under this Section requires the execution of a bond, "with or without sureties."
Asked whether his release under Section 169 CrPC on account of lack of evidence involved the furnishing of any surety or guarantee, Vajpayee told Frontline: "No, not at all. We would not have given any surety. And then there is no question of being an approver."
with inputs from Lyla Bavadam in Mumbai.

http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl1503/15031150.htm